Ariel Toaff Blood Passover. Internet Aaargh, 2007. (ang.)

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quod docti in lege suo hoc scire debent" (ibidem, p. 318).
11. Cfr. Jacob Mulin Segal (Maharil), Sefer ha-minhagim ("Book of Customs"), by Sh. Spitzer, Jerusalem, 1989, pp. 106-107. On the anti-
Christian meaning of these invectives, contained in the Haggadah according to the custom of the German Jews, cfr. I.J. Yuval, "Two Nations
in Your Womb". Perceptions of Jews and Christians, Tel Aviv, 2000, pp. 116-117 (in Hebrew).
12. In this regard, see Sh. Safrai and Z. Safrai, Haggadah of the Sages. The Passover Haggadah, Jerusalem, 1998, pp. 145-146 (in Hebrew).
13. Cfr. Shalom of Neustadt, Decisions and Customs, by Sh. Spitzer, Jerusalem, 1977, p. 134 (in Hebrew).
14. "Postea dictus paterfamilias dixit suprascripta verba, idem paterfamilias iungit hec alia verba: 'Ita imprecamur
Deum quod similiter immittat predictas .X. maledictiones contra gentes, que sunt inimice fidei Iudeorum', intelligendo maxime contra
christianos, et deinde dictus paterfamilias bibit vinum" [ After the head of the family said these words, he added these other words: Thus we
pray God to inflict ten similar curses on the Gentiles, who are enemies of the Jewish faith , meaning the Christians, more than anything else,
and then the head of the family drank the wine ] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 363). "Et (Thobias) dicit quod quando
dictus paterfamilias dixit suprascripta verba, postea etiam addit hec alia: Ita imprecamur Deum quod similiter immittat suprascriptas decem
maledictiones contra gentes quod adversantur fidei Iudaice', intelligendo maxime contra Christianos" (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi,
cit., voI. I, p. 326).
15. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 16-32.
16. "Et (Thobias) dicit quod quando dictus paterfamilias dixit suprascripta verba, postea etiam addit hec alia: "Ita imprecamur Deum quod
similiter immittat suprascriptas decem maledictiones contra gentes quod adversantur fidei Iudaice", intelligendo maxime contra Christianos"
(cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 326).
17. "Et que verba postea quem dicta sunt per patremfamilias, idem paterfamilias dicit hec alia verba: 'lta nos deprecamur Deum quod
immittat omnes predictas maledictiones contra eos qui sunt contra fidem Iudaicam', intelligendo et imprecando quod dicte maledictiones
immittantur contra Cristianos" (cfr. ibidem, p. 352). In the light of the Hebrew sources, such as Maharil and Shalom da Wiener Neustadt,
who testify to the ancient custom of the Ashkanazi Jews of cursing the Christians during the recitation of the ten plagues of Egypt, W.P.
Eckert is therefore in error on this point (Motivi superstiziosi nel processo agli ebrei di Trento, in I. Rogger and M. Bellabarba, Il principe
vescovo Johannes Hinderbach, 1465-1486, fra tardo Medioevo e Umanesimo, Atti del Convegno held by the Biblioteca Comunale of Trent,
2-6 October 1989, Bologna, 1992, pp. 393-394) considers this to be a truth presumed by the Trent judges and suggested to the defendants by
coercive means.
18. Cfr. Morosini, Derekh Emunah. Via della fede mostata agli ebrei, cit., p. 559.
19. "Et hiis dictis, paterfamilias accipit dictas fugatias et unamquamque dividit de unaquaque fugatia partem suam unicuique, et deinde ipse
paterfamilias bibit vinum quod est in ciato suo, et similiter alii astantes bibunt vinum suum et postmodum omnes cenant, et similiter faciunt
die sequenti de sero" (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, pp. 252-253).
20. "Et post suprascripta paterfamilias accipit primam fugatiam que est in bacili, ut supra, et unicuique ex astantibus dat partem suam, et
similiter facit de secunda et de tertia fugatia, dando partem suam unicuique. Et deinde accipit ciphum plenum vino [...] et illud vinum bibit; et
deinde omnes alii circumstantes accipiunt ciatos suos plenos vino, ut supra, et unusquisque bibit de ciato suo, postque cenant orimes" (cfr.
ibidem, pp. 326-327).
21. On the initial introduction of the curses of Shefoch into the text of the Haggadah of the medieval Ashkenazi environment, see, among
others, M.M. Kasher, Haggadah Shelemah, New York, 1961, pp. 177-180; E.D. Goldshmidt, Haggadah shel Pesach, Jerusalem, 1969, pp.
62-64; R. Bonfil, Haggadah di Pesach, Milan, 1962, pp. 122-123 (" It may nevertheless be presumed that the custom became widespread
during the Middle Ages, during the period of the first great persecutions, during the Crusades [...] during the period in which the first
accusations of ritual murder were made against the Jews. The custom of opening the door [...] probably also dates back to that period, in
90
which such an act was caused by the fear that behind the door there might be placed the body of some murdered child and that the murder
might be blamed on the Jews").
22. In this regard, see, in particular, G.D. Cohen, Messianic Postures of Ashkenazim and Sephardim, in M. Kreutzberg, Studies of the Leo
Baeck Institute, New York, 1967, pp. 117-158; Yuval, "Two Nations in Your Womb", cit., pp. 140-145; Safrai and Safrai, Haggadah of the
Sages, cit., pp. 174-178.
23. "Et finita cena, paterfamilias dicit hec verba: Sfoch chaba moscho hol ha-goym. Similiter dicit quod fit in die sequenti de sero, post
Pascha" (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 327). It should be noted that the Hebrew words are recorded by the Italian
notary according to Tobias' Ashkenazi pronunciation, and therefore chamatech�, "da tua ira", is rendered as chamosch� (chaba moscho).
24. Cfr. [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., p. 149; Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, p. 18. Even in the case of
Israel Wolfgang, the formula of Shefoch, reported according to the Ashkenazi pronunciation, is distorted by the notary's record (Sfoco
hemosco hai hagoym honszlar lho ghedalsecho), but seems entirely intelligible.
25. Cfr. Morosini, Derekh Emunah. Via della fede mostrata agli ebrei, cit., p. 559.
26. Cfr. Paolo Medici, Riti e costumi degli ebrei, Madrid, Luc'Antonio de Bedmar, 1737, p. 171.
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p. 173]
CHAPTER TWELVE
THE MEMORIAL OF THE PASSION
The use of the blood of Christian children in the celebration of the Jewish Passover was apparently the object of minute regulation, at least
according to the depositions of all the defendants in the Trent trials. These depositions describe exactly what was prohibited, what was
permitted, and what was tolerated, all in meticulous detail. Every eventuality was foreseen and dealt with; the use of blood was governed by
broad and exhaustive case law, almost as if it formed an integral part of the most firmly established regulations relating to the ritual. The
blood, powdered or dessicated, was mixed into the dough of the unleavened or "solemn" bread, the shimmurim -- not ordinary bread. The
shimmurim -- in fact, three loaves for each of the two evenings during which the ritual dinner of the Seder was served -- were considered one
of the principal symbolic foods of the feast, and their accurate preparation and baking took place during the days preceding the advent of
Pesach.
During the Seder, the blood had to be dissolved into the wine immediately prior to recitation of the ten curses against the land of Egypt. The
wine was later poured into a basin or a cracked earthenware pot and thrown away. The performance of the ritual required only a minimum
quantity of blood in powdered form, equal in quantity to a lentil.
The obligation to procure blood and to use it during the Passover ritual was the exclusive responsibility of the head of the family, i.e., a
responsible male with a dependent wife and children. Bachelors, widowers, guests and employees, all those without dependent family, were
exempt. In view of the difficulty of procuring such a rare and costly ingredient, it was anticipated that the wealthiest Jews would provide
blood for the poorest Jews, an eccentric form of charity benefiting heads of families disinherited by fate.
Samuele da Nuremberg reported that:
p. 173] [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]

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